£250 Reward: The Story of the Cardiff Jewel Robbery of April 1920

One of the many unusual items to be found at Glamorgan Archives is a poster, approximately 2ft by 3ft, produced in 1920, offering a £250 reward for information leading to the arrest of …the thief or thieves… who had broken into a jewellery shop in central Cardiff [DCON/UNL/333].  Issued by the insurers, Messrs Cunningham and Gibaud, and the Chief Constable, David Williams, the poster asked anyone with information to contact the Cardiff City Police on Cardiff 3213.

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The raid took place on the night of 27th April 1920, when thousands of pounds of jewellery was taken from T W Long, Jeweller and Diamond Merchant, of 2 St. Mary Street, Cardiff. The story of the burglary and the subsequent hunt for the culprits is told through the records of the Cardiff City Police held at the Archives. The reward poster, which was sent to police forces throughout the country, listed the items stolen. They included gem rings, gold bracelets, gold cigarette boxes, pendants and lockets. The scale of the robbery can be seen from the detail in the poster. The number of gem rings taken alone was over 170. The initial police assessment of the value of the property taken was £5000 at 1920 prices, which would be approximately half a million pounds at current prices. This figure was subsequently revised by the Insurers to £2000 but it was still a major burglary. However, public attention was captured not so much by the scale of the robbery but more by the daring approach taken by the raiders in breaking into the jewellery shop. The details are provided in the crime report filed by the Cardiff Police on 28th April 1920.

Mr Thomas William Long, Jeweller, 2 St Mary Street reported that his premises at the above address were entered sometime between 6.30pm on the 27th and 9am on the 28th instant and stolen therefrom a large quantity of Jewellery …of the value of about £5000.

The premises were examined by Chief Detective Inspector Harries, Detective Inspector Hodges, Detective Sergeants Little, Pugsley and Evans who found that entrance had been effected by climbing a wall about 25 ft high at the entrance to the Cardiff Market (Old Arcade entrance) Church Street, apparently with the aid of a knotted rope, 20 feet long, on the end of which was fastened an iron hook, then climbing on to the roof of Messrs Cross Bros premises, lowering themselves 10 feet on to the roof at the rear of Mr Long’s premises, then forcing a window on the same floor, with the aid of a jimmy and thereby gaining full access to the Shop.

The articles were taken from cases and shelves in the window. A jimmy, a pair of chamois leather gloves and electric torch were found in the shop and another jimmy of the roof of the Market.

Mr George Atkins of 18 Talygarn Street, Assistant Manager of the Central Market found the rope (referred to) hanging on the wall in the entrance to the Market at 8.30am on the 28th April 1920 also a gold ring which was returned to Mr Long.

The records set out the action taken by the police on discovering that the shop had been broken into. Officers were despatched to check city centre hotels, boarding houses and the railway station in the hope of identifying anyone staying in Cardiff, or leaving early on the morning of the 28th, who might have been involved in the robbery. The whereabouts of known criminals from the Cardiff area were examined and also men who had completed work on the shop some months ago. The police took statements from several passers-by, one of whom reported seeing …two men in the doorway, looking through the peep holes in the shutter. One of them was 50 years of age, dressed in corduroy trousers and a cap. Another report also referred to two men. …one of them appeared to turn his face from my view. He was about 5ft 8 medium build, very dark complexion and had the appearance of a Foreigner and wore a Light Rainproof Coat and Trilby Hat.

It took Mr Long and his staff over a week to compile a full list of the missing jewellery, but as the details emerged they were passed immediately to police forces throughout the country with a request that they check jewellers and pawnbrokers for the stolen goods. Police forces were also asked to provide details of known shop breakers who had gained entry is a similar manner. A surprisingly large number of names with photographs were passed to the Cardiff Police by other forces, and each name was followed up to establish their whereabouts on the night of 27th April.

It seemed that within days there had been a breakthrough. Sergeant Little, one of the officers called to the premises, reported that he had received information from an ‘informant’ some time ago that three well known shop breakers from the Birmingham area were targeting T W Long’s and planned to break in overnight by scaling a nearby roof.  Although the information had been provided some years ago the Cardiff Police asked their colleagues in Birmingham to track down the three men. In addition, the equipment left at the scene of the crime was sent to Birmingham for examination by detectives to establish whether it was similar to that used by shop breakers in that city. Correspondence in the files show how the Cardiff Police worked with the Birmingham and Lancashire Forces to track down the three men but all were eventually ruled out.

As might be anticipated, the owner of the shop wrote several letters of complaint including one, dated 7 June, to the Lord Mayor. Long clearly expected his premises to be checked by the police every hour during the night and considered the policing of the city centre as far too lax. In response, in his report to the Watch Committee, dated 14 July 1920, the Chief Constable admitted that, on the night of the 27th the plain clothes police officers who patrolled the centre had been off duty as they were due to sit a promotion examination the next day. However, while this was unfortunate, a uniformed officer, Constable Frank Biston, PC 11, had checked the premises on 3 occasions during the night but had been called away to attend to the shop of Messrs Pearse and Jenkins, Saddlers, in Quay Street which was found to be open. Williams referred to Biston as …a reliable man who has served in this district without complaint for 23 years. However, he did concede that …the failure to discover the hanging rope in the market entrance is admitted and regretted… but it …would be easily overlooked in a general inspection of the building.

It had been anticipated that, in the months that followed the robbery, items of jewellery would begin to be identified as they were sold and so generate further leads. The records show that several items similar to those listed as stolen were reported. In September, Chief Detective Harries and Mr Silver, a member of Long’s staff, travelled to Newcastle to identify 2 ‘platinum gold alberts’ passed to the police by a local jeweller. However, as with other reports, including a ring found at Barry, the items could not be conclusively identified as jewels removed on the night of April 27th.

For almost a year the crime remained unsolved and the reward unclaimed. The Cardiff City Police must have been almost ready to put the case on the back burner, until early on the morning of 11 March 1921:

…Constable Frederick Pickett, No 32 ‘A’, observed a knotted rope attached to and hanging by an iron hook from the coping over the entrance to the Central Market in the Old Arcade.  He immediately reported the matter at the Central Police Station. Almost at the same time Messrs Long’s premises – No 2 St Mary Street – were opened and it was reported that they had been entered.

It was carbon copy of the original burglary with entry gained again by climbing onto the lavatory roof of the Old Arcade public house and then traversing the market roof to break into the back of 2 St. Mary Street. The police report filed on 11 March did, however, tell us a little more this time about how the burglars, after scaling the market roof, broke into the second floor of 2 St. Mary Street and from there into the main shop:

From the flat roof a descent of about 20ft to a sloping roof was made by means of a rope secured to holes bored in the woodwork under the lead covering of the flat roof. At the side of the skylight was a window of Messrs Long’s premises. This window was secured by an ordinary catch and was easily forced by means of a jemmy giving access to a workroom on the second floor. The door of the workroom was secured by a small padlock and was similarly forced. Outside the door was a staircase leading to the first floor on which is situated a show room and lavatory. On the staircase from the first floor to the shop is a heavily padlocked steel gate which is in the full view of observation holes in the shutters. To avoid observation here the thieves broke through the floor of the lavatory to the workroom below. From here ingress to the shop was barred by another steel gate which was however not so prominent as that on the staircase. The padlock of this gate was forced by means of a specially prepared jemmy. The stolen property was taken from the window and show cases. [Crime Report, A Division, Cardiff City Police].

The burglars were well prepared and the report confirmed that they left behind:

One jemmy, one brace and bits, a steel three wheel tube cutter (American make), two hack saw blades, a knotted rope with an iron hook attached. The hook is semi-circular and roughly fashioned.

In all, £3000 worth of jewellery was stolen including …gold watches, watch bracelets, watch wristlets, alberts, signet rings, brooches, necklets, cigarette cases, cigarette boxes, links, bangle rings set with diamonds, vanity cases and one or two sets of pearl studs.  Yet again it was an audacious burglary that baffled the Cardiff Police.  Much of the action taken the year before was repeated, along with the investigation of a number of colourful sounding characters including ‘American Frank’. However, again it was to no effect. On this occasion Long reported that a clock had been moved by the robbers and there were hopes that fingerprints would provide a clue to the identity of the thieves. However, the report from the Director of Criminal Investigation at the Fingerprint Branch, New Scotland Yard confirmed that the only prints found were those of Mr Long’s staff.

There appeared to have been a breakthrough when a badly typed letter was received by the police, naming the burglar:

This is the second time he has done the same shop. If you make enquiries … he left London by the 5 train and got to Cardiff about 9 and before 9 the next day he was back in London again. Signed Ex pal of his.

On another occasion, detectives from Cardiff questioned a prisoner in Dartmoor who claimed to know the identity of the robbers. On both occasions the information was found to be false. There was a hope of progress when, in September 1921, an 18ct gold watch bracelet was identified in London and returned to Mr Long. Unfortunately the London jeweller, who had paid £7 10s for the watch, did not have a record of the seller and could only say that it was …a man age about 35/40, height 5ft 9 or 10, complexion sallow, hair and moustache dark, dress; dark clothes believed bowler hat, carrying a brief bag.

It was possibly a case of shutting the stable door after the horse had bolted when T W Long and Co reported, in June 1921, that they had improved their security with the introduction of a grill system at the back of the premises. They had also supplied the police with a key to the side door of the shop. For their part the Cardiff Police agreed the following actions, set out in a letter to the Acting Superintendent, ‘A’ Division, from the Deputy Chief Constable on 4th June 1921:

Elaborate precautionary measures have been taken by Messrs Long and Company to protect their premises against shop breakers….The Night Plain Clothes Patrol Constable within whose patrol the premises are situated, will be handed nightly by the Officer in Charge of the Plain Clothes Patrol a key which will enable him to gain access by the side door in Church Street. This door will be always locked after entering and leaving. Upon satisfying himself that everything is in order the Plain Clothes Constable will record his visit in the book provided (sent herewith) and which will be found on a desk in the passage and left there as a record.

At that point the trail goes cold. Almost two years later, one of the last letters on the file, dated 26 March 1923, confirmed that both crimes remained unsolved. Possibly a case for Poirot or even Holmes?

Tony Peters, Glamorgan Archives Volunteer

St David’s Day

On 1 March St David’s Day is celebrated in Wales, providing schools and communities with an opportunity to mark the occasion by holding parades, dressing in welsh national costume, singing and celebrating all things Welsh.

From head teachers’ entries in school log books (the head teacher’s diary of daily events in school) we can see that from at least the beginning of the twentieth century St David’s Day was an established part of the school calendar with the morning timetable revolving around lessons on the life of St David as well as singing competitions, recitals and often dramatic sketches on welsh history and folklore.  In the afternoons the children were given a half day holiday.

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Local education authorities even issued advice on what should be taught on St David’s Day, publishing pamphlets giving teachers a potted history of Wales and listing suitable patriotic songs to be sung.  During the first world war education authorities were particularly keen for schools to celebrate the day and a 1915 leaflet from the Welsh Department of the Board of Education shows how the emphasis is on patriotism, serving one’s country and using the occasion to boost national morale (ref. GD/E/39/14,15).

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Some local organisations arranged formal dinners to commemorate St David’s Day.  The Cardiff Cymrodorion were one such group, welcoming the Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin as the quest of honour at a dinner held at Cardiff City Hall on 1 March 1927 (ref. D183/13,14). Entertainment was provided by the Herbert Ware Orchestra of Cardiff (advertised as winners at the Royal National Eisteddfod at Barry, Pontypool and Swansea), a harpist and the Cowbridge High School for Girls Choir.  In 1928 the quest of honour was David Lloyd George and dinner was a grand affair with many courses, some welsh dishes such as cawl were served and one of the puddings was given a welsh twist ‘savarins a l’Ananas a la St David’!

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Wearing the national costume of Wales is one of the ways in which the day is commemorated, especially by school children.

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Glamorgan Archives has many prints and photographs showing ‘welsh ladies’ in costume. By the nineteenth century the costume had developed into the one which we are now familiar with, the tall stovepipe style hat, flannel skirts and shawl.  It is an image which was used on tourist souvenirs from teacups, postcards to handkerchiefs!  One of our Victorian scrapbooks (ref. 1989/164) has some beautiful watercolours of ladies in traditional welsh costume with the colours as vivid today as when they were first painted.

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Dydd Gwyl Dewi Hapus from Glamorgan Archives!

Burns Night in Cardiff

On 25th January, the birthday of Robert Burns, Scottish people across the world will be celebrating Burns Night.  Here in Cardiff, festivities were traditionally organised by the Cardiff Caledonian Society, whose members would gather together for their annual Burns Night dinner.

The Cardiff Caledonian Society was founded in 1886.  Its aims were to promote social and friendly intercourse among Scotsmen resident in Cardiff and District, which included organising dinners and social gatherings; to aid deserving Scotsmen and their families who may stand in need of the influence and assistance of the Society, and to encourage educational schemes in Cardiff amongst persons of Scottish nationality. The heyday period for the society was during the 1920s and 1930s.

The records of the Cardiff Caledonian Society, held at Glamorgan Archives, include a series of programmes for Burns Night celebrations (D677/3), an annual event in the Society’s calendar.

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The programme for the 1924 dinner, held at the Bute Salon in Cox’s Restaurant, Cardiff, includes a traditional Scottish Bill O’ Fare.  On the menu was Kail Broo, followed by The Haggis wi’ Champit Tatties, A wee bit o’ the Lammie’s Mither wi’ Red Curran Geelie, Tatties roastit or b’iled, an sproots.  For dessert?  Rabbie’s Ain Pudd’n, Tremlin Tam, App’l Tert or Fr’it Salad.  And all topped off with Cups o’ Cowfie.  Quite the feast!

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The Haggis was the highlight of the Bill O’ Fare and would be piped in and addressed by one of the guests.  There were also several toasts during the evening, including the traditional toast to the lassies, and their response.

 

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Alongside the programmes are two ‘Scottish Passports’ issued to guests attending the Burns Night event and including the programme and menu for the evening (D677/4/2)  The lassies who attended the celebrations were also presented with a souvenir containing a greeting and a song (D677/4/3).

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It was common practice to invite the Prime Minister to attend the celebrations, and the society’s files include correspondence with the Prime Minister’s Office (D677/5/1).  In 1929 Ramsay McDonald was invited, but politely refused as it clashed with the Five Power Conference at Chequers.  Burns Night telegrams were received by the Society from King George V (D677/5/1), who always congratulated them on a successful evening.

We hope that all the Scottish people in Cardiff and across south Wales have a wonderful Burns Night on 25 January.

Rev. Henry Bowen and Annie Bowen of Cardiff

Within the Collection at Glamorgan Archives are the family papers of the Reverend Henry Bowen, parish priest at St. Catherine’s Church, Canton, Cardiff . The extensive archive covers the lifetime of Henry Bowen and his wife Annie. This period of the 20th century witnessed two world wars, the depression of the inter-war years, and the major social changes enacted during the move from Victorian Britain to the Swinging Sixties.

Henry Bowen served throughout the First World War.  He attended Oxford University and was a parish priest in Cardiff during the Second World War. This short article cannot hope to do justice to this remarkable and interesting collection, so will briefly focus on Henry Bowen’s life during the First World War.

Henry enlisted in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers in autumn of 1914.  As was the case with so many volunteers, he joined up with a number of friends from Llantrisant. The main source of this article are love letters that Henry sent to Annie throughout the war years, which number well in excess of one hundred. The letters written during 1914 and up until July 1915 cover the period when Henry was stationed at Park House Camp on Salisbury Plain, prior to being posted to the British Expeditionary Force (BEF).

Henry’s letter of 9 August 1915 describes the section of the frontline where he was stationed but, due to military regulations, he wasn’t permitted to divulge any details of his actual location, apart from:

the area has cobbles and the church bells that sound like home.

At the end of his letter he explains that, due to the demands of secrecy. his letter is placed within a military envelope where he is required to make a declaration on his honour that he is not divulging any military matters or location.

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As Henry’s son points out in a separate set of notes, his early letters are limited in content, but gradually interesting facts creep in: sightings of aircraft bombing, his first contact with real conflict, and one of his friends, who became an airman, being shot down over Holland in 1915. Of course, the correspondence with Annie should not be viewed as eye witness history of the conflict at the trenches, but rather as a series of love letters.

On 10 March 1916, Henry apologizes for not having written before:

only it is so awkward the trenches we are in… Perhaps you will understand  when I tell you it is impossible to move twenty yards in the daytime.

On 24 April 1916, once again Henry apologises for not having written:

Many a time during the last four weeks… I have been on the point of sitting down to write a decent letter but we have been on the move every day.

There were many letters between June and November where the strong affection Henry feels for Annie is the central theme. It should be appreciated that these letters were written against the backdrop of the Battle of the Somme, where Henry was witness to the horrific physical conditions of the trenches, which became a quagmire  of mud, with appalling death and injury. Henry’s daughter Dorothy has added a set of excellent notes based on conversations she had with her father after the war, stating his vivid recollection of the tremendous barrage which preceded the battle during the week leading up to the start of the main offensive on 1 July 1916.  This day saw the greatest number of causalities in one day in the history of the British Army, some 60,000, including 20,000 killed. Reading the letters for these 5 months there is no indication of the momentous carnage associated with the battle being so fiercely fought.

Henry spent the greater part of 1917 attending officer infantry training in Scotland.  Included within the collection are a number of Military Training manuals, which are more applicable to battlefield conditions prior to 1914. However, reprints had addressed the changes, reflecting the static nature of trench warfare. One feature, which was still looked upon as of paramount importance in officer training, was the emphasis on drill and discipline.

1918 witnessed Henry returning to active duty at the front; once again we have to speculate where he was stationed. The general tone of his letters suggests it may have been the period of a major German counter offensive during the opening months of 1918, when British forces were driven back some miles.

On 31 March 1918, he writes:

It’s been a deuce of a time but thank God I’m quite well. All my kit has gone I have only what I stand up in… I could not get any writing matter away as everything has been topsey turvey.

Included in the papers for this period is a leaflet depicting the brutal nature of the First World War, describing the procedure to be followed when using a box respirator (gas mask) when poison gas was being used in an attack. As his daughter observes, no mention is made by Henry of many Llantisant men who had become casualties. But in the gloom and widespread sadness of 1918 one significant happy event occurred; Henry and Annie got married in August. The other major event which featured in Henry’s letters of 1918 was the surrender of Germany and the signing of the Armistice on 11 November 1918. His letter of that date describes his emotions and relief at having survived a catastrophic war which claimed the lives of 17,000,000.

This short piece gives only a small insight into the experiences of Henry and Annie during 1914-1918. The collection contains many documents relating to the full and interesting life of Henry and Annie after their marriage: his time at Oxford, starting a family, and becoming parish priest at St. Catherine’s Church in Canton. One interesting item is Henry’s diary for 1941, an important year in the Second World War. 1941 saw bombing raids bringing the Blitz to Cardiff, major desert battles fought in North Africa, the German attack on Russia, and the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japan which saw the USA join the Allies; all are described. Henry’s military background as a soldier is evident by the glee he expresses at British successes and German setbacks, which are not tempered by his position as a local parish priest. To anyone wishing to look in more detail at the lives of Henry and Annie Bowen please do contact Glamorgan Archives, where staff will be happy to assist interested members of the public in their research.

John Arnold, Glamorgan Archives Volunteer

Puddings and Parcels: Christmas fundraising in the First World War

Christmas is traditionally a time when we think of others and when charities launch special appeals to raise funds.  During the First World War this was even more important with so many soldiers and sailors serving overseas, separated from families and home comforts.

School log books record the charity fundraising efforts of the pupils.  At Gellidawel School in Tonyrefail in October 1914, the Headteacher recorded sending a  £1 postal order to HRH Princess Mary for her fund to provide Christmas gifts for servicemen.  The teachers had provided the prizes and there was a prize draw amongst the children, who paid a penny for each ticket [ELL26/2].

One Headteacher in Pen-y-bont School, Bridgend [EM10/11] wrote wearily in October 1914 that, due to the war and the many calls …it has entailed upon the pockets of the people…, he had not had …the face this year to beg for subscriptions… to the Christmas Prize Fund. However, funds were raised for servicemen and a sizeable sum of over £7 was sent to the Prince of Wales Fund.  It was used to purchase cigarettes, woollen mufflers and chocolates and sent to Old Boys stationed in Scotland.  He records having received a thank you from Sergeant Major Miles thanking the boys for …their Happy Christmas Box [EM10/11].

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Refugees from Belgium were not forgotten at Christmas. The Headteacher of Dyffryn Mixed School in Ferndale, recorded that money had been raised for the refugees by pupils collecting on Christmas Day in 1916 [ER15/1].  The minute book of the Rest Convalescent Home in Porthcawl also records help given to Belgian refugees;  …that the matter of providing extra diet etc. for the refugees and staff at xmas be left to matrons and chairman… [DXEL/3/5].

Concerts were arranged to raise funds.  Mr Leon Vint applied for a licence from Barry Council to open ‘Vint’s Place’, Thompson Street in Barry on Christmas Day in 1914 and 1915, with performance profits to go to the Barry Red Cross Hospital.  Romilly Hall was also to be allowed to open on Christmas Day for the same purpose [BB/C/1/20,21].  As well as raising funds, the opening of venues on Christmas Day meant that servicemen could be entertained.  Cardiff Borough Council gave permission for the Central Cinema, The Hayes, to be used on Christmas Day between 5.30 and 8pm for the …purpose of free entertainment for servicemen [BC/C/6/54].  Mountain Ash Urban District Council proposed a Sunday Concert at Abercynon Palace on 29 November 1914, …the proceeds to be devoted to the making of, and sending a huge Christmas box of cigarettes, tobacco, socks etc to the soldiers at the front [UDMA/C/4/12].

In 1916 The Daily Telegraph and Daily News were entrusted by the War Office to raise funds for providing Christmas puddings for soldiers at the front, and local councils raised funds to send to the charity. Porthcawl Urban District Council sent over £7 to the ‘pudding fund’ in 1916 [UDPC/C/1/10].

Local parish councils, churches, chapels and other organisations also sent morale boosting Christmas parcels to local men serving abroad.

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Amongst the records of the Cardiff University Settlement are letters of thanks from soldiers for parcels received at Christmas. On 19 December 1916, Gunner C Upcott writes to Edward Lewis, I beg to thank you and all the members of the University Settlement for their kindness in sending me the parcel and I do not know how much to thank you for your kindness.  It is something terrible out here with the rain and one thing and another but I hope the end won’t be long so as we can all meet once again (DCE/1/64).

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Private William Slocombe of Cardiff, who was awarded the Military Medal during the War, wrote to his mother, from the front, on 9 December 1916.  He asks her to buy him a …soldier’s diary… which has …a lot of useful military information and a small French dictionary at the beginning… I should like you to send me one if possible. It does not cost more than a couple of shillings at most.  He is also thinking of Christmas gifts for his family at home and sends a postal order for 10 shillings; It is for the kids and yourself… If you can get some chocolates for the girls so much the better.  I should like to give Pa some tobacco too’  Poignantly he writes …the circumstances are very different to last year aren’t they?  Your affectionate Son… [D895/1/3].

These records, and many more relating to the First World War, are available to consult at Glamorgan Archives.

From Cardiff to Greenham Common: Women for Life on Earth

In 1986 Glamorgan Archives received a deposit from the peace group ‘Women for Life on Earth’. The collection relates to the women’s peace march from Cardiff to Greenham Common in Berkshire, and the peace camp which was subsequently established outside the main gates of the air base at Greenham Common. The papers cover the period from 1981 to 1984, and consist of correspondence, news cuttings, articles and photographs. The collection is a valuable resource for research into aspects of the women’s movement and of the peace movement. Glamorgan Archives was chosen as the place of deposit because the march started from Cardiff.

The march for peace from Cardiff to Greenham Common was the idea of Ann Pettitt, who, with her husband, ran a smallholding in West Wales, and three other women from the same area. In April 1981 they heard about a group of Scandinavian women who were planning to march from Copenhagen to Paris during the summer of that year, to draw attention to their anxieties about the nuclear threat overshadowing their lives. The group of four in Wales decided to organise a similar march, not from one large city to another, but through smaller places to Greenham Common, at that time a little-known American air base. The march was to last ten days, and cover over 110 miles. Greenham Common was the chosen destination because of the decision to house 96 nuclear cruise missiles at the base, to become operational by December 1983. Cruise missiles are weapons designed to carry nuclear bombs fifteen times as powerful as the one which destroyed Hiroshima. The march was to be a protest against the siting of cruise missiles in Britain.

The four women who organised and co-ordinated the march envisaged a small core group of mainly women and children (35 to 50 in number), who would walk all the way, gathering support en route. Walking, as a form of direct action, was thought to be a simple and old-fashioned way of spreading their message and meeting people to exchange ideas. The message of the march would be a call for disarmament and a plea for a peaceful world. Accommodation and food was arranged for the core group along the route of the march, and local disarmament groups organised meetings with guest speakers and entertainment for the evenings.

Women for Life on Earth was formed in response to the decision to organise the peace march. The motif for the group depicted the world inside the disarmament symbol, sprouting into a tree, to show that the movement was not narrow or particular, but wide and universal. A banner showing this sign was embroidered for the march.

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It was decided that women should lead the march and form the nucleus, though men would be welcome as supporters. The march would highlight the fact that women are active and prominent in the peace movement and in the campaign against nuclear weapons. It was felt that the hard work of many women in local disarmaments groups is not reflected in public speeches – women’s voices should be heard and the march would be a platform for them. At the meetings and events along the way, women would be invited to speak.

The organisers thought that most women spend time caring for others, many work in caring professions – they invest their time in people and feel a special responsibility to offer them a future. Many women bear and raise children, and might feel more concerned about the prospect of a nuclear war because of this. Most women have played no part in the decisions which have brought the world to a position where a few hold the lives of all in their control. Women for Life on Earth felt that it was time for women to be heard.

The peace march to Greenham Common started from Cardiff on 27 August 1981.

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The core group consisted of about forty women and several children. The women were of all ages, and from very different occupations and backgrounds – from a single mother of five children to a grandmother of four grandchildren. The march left Cardiff and passed the Royal Ordnance factory in Llanishen, where components for nuclear weapons were manufactured. The group then walked through Newport to Chepstow, passing the American arms depot at Caerwent, where stocks of chemical weapons were held. The route then lay through Bristol, Bath, Melksham, Devizes, Marlborough, and Hungerford to Newbury. A detour was made to the US base and tactical nuclear weapons store at Welford. The walkers reached the Greenham Common air base on 5 September.

When they reached their destination the marchers delivered a letter of protest to the base commandant, explaining their action:

We have undertaken this action because we believe that the nuclear arms race constitutes the greatest threat ever faced by the human race and our living planet.

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Many of the records held at Glamorgan Archives contain personal recollections of the march. Women from many different backgrounds felt so strongly about the nuclear threat that they left their homes, families, children, and gave up ten days to walk over 110 miles. Many were not used to walking and developed blisters:

The blister on my foot was so big I couldn’t keep my shoe on.

For many women the march was to be their first experience of public protest. For some it was the first time they had left their families to go away alone:

For all of us if was the first time we had ever walked that far.

All seemed to gain a great deal from the experience – while walking they talked and grew close to each other:

We all felt like one family by the end of ten days and were very sad to separate and return to our various lives.

The group varied in number between 35 and 60, as marchers joined or left. Leaflets were distributed along the way, giving reasons for the march, and describing some of the horrors of nuclear war. The core group all wore scarves especially designed for the march, showing the figure of a woman in purple and white, and the peace symbol in green – suffragette colours. These were worn around heads, like cloaks, or even as skirts. The reaction of one woman on joining the march was:

such an ordinary bunch wearing those funny scarves…

Her feelings had changed by the time they reached the base:

Those speeches, woman after woman … saying so much, so well – how could they ever have seemed ordinary?

The group’s reception in places along the route was warm, except in the large cities, such as Bristol, where only a handful of local people attended to listen to speeches that had been arranged. Volunteers in smaller towns, however, cooked lavish meals and provided excellent accommodation. Meetings and entertainment had been arranged – the folk singers, Peggy Seager and Ewan McColl, appeared at Melksham. There were low points on the march. As the walkers approached Bath, they trudged along silently, feeling very tired. Suddenly, the Fall-Out band jumped out of a van in a layby, music began to be played, and the marchers danced all the way into town. The march was never silent again:

Singing became very important. It raised our spirits and got our message across.

As they drew nearer Greenham Common, the marchers began to worry about the lack of media interest in their protest. On reaching the common, they …walked round the base … excited, nervous, sick, tingly…, expecting to be greeted by a cheering throng. In fact there were not many there to meet them, so feeling down-hearted at the lack of response to their march, a few of the women decided to make a gesture and chained themselves to the fence. The chainings ended the media silence, but the press unfortunately put more emphasis on women in bondage than women for peace. The action was dropped after a few days.

The frustration of being ignored made the peace women even more determined to be noticed. They decided to stay outside the gates of the air base until the government agreed to a televised debate between politicians and ordinary people on the subject of nuclear weapons. The women thought they should have the right to argue their views with a government which had decided to accept U.S. missiles without any public debate.

The government ignored their request, so the women remained and the Greenham Common peace camp became established. For 19 years it acted as a focus for opposition to cruise missiles and all weapons of mass destruction. Although the last of the cruise missiles were withdrawn by the U.S. Air Force in March 1991, women remained at the air base until 2000 to continue their peaceful protest against the nuclear arms race.

The Greenham Common peace camp was the first of its kind in Britain. It became a model for similar camps around the country. Peace camps carried the peace movement to the doorsteps of the military establishment. During 1982 camps were set up at Molesworth, Fairford, Burtonwood, Hexham, Upper Heyford, Burghfield, and Waddington.

Women for Life on Earth organised more peace marches. The Cardiff to Brawdy march took place in May and June 1982. R.A.F. Brawdy in Pembrokeshire included an American tracking station, which was thought to be a prime target for a nuclear attack on Britain. In the summer of 1983 women walked from various parts of Britain to converge on Greenham Common on Hiroshima day. Because groups left different areas to meet at a central point, the protest was called the ‘Star’ marches. Groups set off from such places as Barrow, Bath, Cardiff, Merseyside, and the Isle of Wight. A rally and a deliberate blockade of Greenham Common air base took place when the marchers arrived.

The 1981 march from Cardiff to Greenham Common was an important event in the history of the peace movement. Greenham Common peace camp grew out of the march, and a network grew from the peace camp, which included other peace camps. Some of these later developments have been documented in this collection. Glamorgan Archives is fortunate to have received the papers relating to the original march. We would welcome any material of a similar nature.  Such information is all too easily lost, unless care is taken for its permanent preservation. It can then become a valuable resource for the historians of the future.

A day trip to Dunkirk: Letters from the Spanish Civil War

Gilbert Taylor left Cardiff for Spain in November 1937 to fight for the Republican Army in the Civil War that had erupted following the attempt by the Nationalist forces in 1936 to depose the government. His letters to his wife Silvia and his friends and colleagues in Cardiff detail his service with the International Brigade from November 1937 to March 1938. The account below provides a flavour of his time in Spain and, in particular, the journey to Spain and his first impressions of the country and army life. It draws, primarily, on letters, written in November and December of 1937.

It is estimated that 35,000 men and women from across the globe responded to the call by the Communist International – the Comintern – to fight for the Republic in attempting to repulse the coup launched in 1936 by General Franco’s Nationalists. Approximately 2,300 came from Britain, Ireland and the Commonwealth. Most were recruited by local branches of the Communist Party of Great Britain and the party also organised their passage to Spain.

Gilbert was the manager of the Collets Bookshop in Castle Arcade and, to an extent, he fitted the profile of those selected by the Communist Party for the International Brigade. He was young, fit and an active member of the Young Communists. However, there was no shortage of volunteers and, where possible, the party opted to recruit single men in their late 20s and early 30s, knowing that dependents were unlikely to receive any financial support if volunteers were killed or injured in Spain. There would, therefore, have been question marks against Gilbert’s name given that he was a married man. However, it may well have been that by November 1937, when the bookshop manager from Cardiff joined the Welsh contingent in Spain (made up, primarily, of men from the mining communities), that this rule had been relaxed.

Gilbert would have been recruited to fight in Spain by the Communist Party and the party would have provided a train ticket for him to travel to London for the first leg of the journey to Spain. His letters convey the excitement and trepidation he would have felt in joining the fight against Franco’s Nationalists, seen by many as a battle between the forces of democracy and fascism. Britain and France had adopted a policy of neutrality and the volunteers were instructed to say, if challenged, that they were on a day trip to Dunkirk. In reality, although they were often placed under surveillance by both the British and French police, both countries took a reasonably relaxed view of the young men travelling to fight for the Republican cause in Spain.

Gilbert’s letters to his wife, Silvia, and Phyllis Greatrex, penned hurriedly on 7 November 1937 during the overnight stay in Paris, tell the story of the first leg of his journey. The first letter, to Phyllis Greatrex, deals with the journey itself, starting with his arrival at London:

Phyllis, 7 Nov,1937-1

‘I’m here!’ Part of the way at least and it’s all very strange and exciting. I met at 3 o’clock as arranged with 16 other comrades and we waited and were talked to for what seemed hours. Harry wasn’t there but the comrade who did all the talking was really ever so nice. The 17 were divided into three groups and I was put in charge of one of them. When I thought all the talking must be finished I was called into the office by myself and had a brand new and much longer talk – I was to be in general charge of the whole Party! – My chief job is (a) to take letters across (b) that nobody gets drunk (c) to see that nobody does anything with women (d) to look after all the money. You may think all that’s rather funny – I laughed a lot. The second part of my special talk was to explain in great detail the political situation there, so that I would be able to allay and answer queries that might be raised. We left Victoria at 10pm… The journey was uneventful, very tiring but often very amusing. My efforts to keep the comrades away from drink and women would have raised a laugh anywhere, but on the whole they were successful. We arrived in Paris as 10 o’clock this morning without having had any sleep at all [Letter to Phyllis, Paris, 7 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/2].

Phyllis, 7 Nov,1937-3

The reference to ‘Harry’ is almost certainly a reference to Harry Pollitt, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Great Britain. On arrival in London the recruits would have made their way to offices used by the Communist Party, probably in the Covent Garden area, to be interviewed and receive their instructions for the next leg of the journey. The journey would then have continued from Victoria Station by overnight boat train to Dunkirk, followed by a train to Gare du Nord in Paris.

It would have almost certainly been the first time that Gilbert had visited Paris, and in the short time available he took the opportunity to take in the sites including a visit to an exhibition – probably the International Exposition dedicated to Art and Technology in Modern Life that ran from May to November 1937. Many countries provided pavilions for the exhibition and from his comments, it is likely that Gilbert visited the Soviet pavilion. He may also have gone along to the Spanish pavilion. If so, he would have seen Picasso’s painting of Guernica – the picture that came to symbolise the horror of the Civil War in Spain. Gilbert’s letter to his wife, Silvia, captured his impression of Paris and the exhibition.

Sylvia, 7 Nov,1937-1

Sylvia, 7 Nov,1937-2

Just a very hurried note to say that I’ve got this far safely and without intervention. There’s lots to tell you already but no time to write. I leave tomorrow night, all being well and I’ll do my best to get a letter in before I go. After I leave I shan’t be near a PO for at least a week, maybe more, so don’t be worried if you don’t hear for some time. I’m in the exhibition at the moment – its lovely. Here’s a very small likeness of our comrade and leader the great Staline (as the French people so quaintly say). I wish you could see the Ex. Couldn’t you? You can get a day trip for £1.16. You’d love it. Must go now. Lots of love and thanks to everyone. You most of all. Yours Gilbert [Letter to his wife Silvia, Paris, Sunday 7 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/2].

Gilbert and his companions would have been met in Paris by a member of the French Communist party and  provided with a supply of francs and further train tickets to Marseille, and then onward to Perpignon. In the early days of the war the final leg of the journey across the border into Spain was often by bus. However, the French authorities tightened the border controls later in the war. For many travelling from Britain and elsewhere this resulted in a long and arduous journey, sometimes on foot, through mountainous terrain. On crossing the Pyrenees and securing entry to Spain they would have travelled south by train and bus to the headquarters of the International Brigade at Albacete and then onward to Tarazona, where the British Battalion had a training camp.

Gilbert’s next letter was from the British base, dated 16 November – some nine days later. Although the group had set off in high spirits it would have been a long, uncomfortable and difficult journey.

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg1

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg2

We arrived here yesterday after a long and very tiring journey – miles of walking, 12-24 hours continuous stretches in Spanish trains and endless waiting.  The journey has been harder than anyone had anticipated but we have enjoyed every minute of it: our spirits and enthusiasm have grown, snowball like, with every difficulty and trial we’ve had to meet. Certainly the journey would be impossible for anyone whose determination wasn’t cast iron – one or two comrades have suffered badly because of this, and should never have been allowed to come. I have written a very long account of the trip, but after having seen the long list of things which can’t be mentioned I have come to the conclusion that it would probably not get through. Perhaps I’II rewrite it, see what happens. Perhaps it can wait until I get back [Letter to his wife Silvia, 16 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

Gilbert wrote at length about his first impressions of Spain. It is perhaps surprising that, while new and very different in most respects, he saw similarities with the hills to the north of Cardiff.

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg2 part 2

The mountain scenery is really glorious – the sides of the hills are heavily wooded, with occasionally a vast slab of bare rock. In shape they are very much like the hills around Cardiff, Caerphilly mountain and the Wenallt. In striking contrast to England, all the hills seem to be concentrated  – all the roads that I have seen are straight and flat with scarcely an incline anywhere. In the early part of our journey we saw olive trees and oranges everywhere and usually side by side, but we have not seen any here. Spanish buildings are ugly I think, they seem all side and no roof – most of them are detached being different from French houses, which seem to be all roofs, no sides… [Letter to his wife Silvia, 16 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

As with many of his colleagues, Gilbert was struck by the scale of the poverty he encountered in rural Spain. However, he also made a point of underlining the improvements that the Republican Government was making, particularly in the field of education, and how the progress was threatened by the Civil War.

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg3 edited 1

Here in this village practically all the buildings are made with mud and straw – many are 400 to 600 years old and it is said that the mud bricks become increasingly lasting by the continual baking of the sun. On the top of the hill just outside the village stands the only modern building the village has ever seen. It is to be a school, not yet completed and now waiting for the war to end. It is a beautiful building even now, in the shining white concrete which looks so well in the Spanish countryside. The school was part of the splendid work of the Popular Front Government – standing there on the hill uncompleted it is tragic indication of work suspended, almost a symbol. Soldiers parade on the square beneath it [Letter to his wife Silvia, 16 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

Yet everything was not entirely to his taste and, in particular, the food.

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg3 edited 2

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg4

Spanish food is awful and has been the most difficult thing we’ve yet had to meet. Certainly we have not seen Spanish food under ideal conditions but even so I don’t think I should like it. It may be thick or thin, fried, boiled or stewed but however it is done it tastes and smells the same , terrible… here at the base we have English food – or if it isn’t English it certainly isn’t Spanish, and that is all we ask for. The only meat we have had since we came to Spain is Donkey , occasionally Mule. It is incredibly tough but quite good [Letter to his wife Silvia, 16 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

Although newly arrived in Spain there was an immediate preoccupation with securing the little luxuries that help break the monotony and hardships of military life.

The greatest shortage here is cigarettes. You can’t buy them in the shops or Canteen for love or money – there just aren’t any to be had. Government issue to the International Brigade is irregular. Even then the cigarettes are lousy – at the best they are the cheapest French kind, but more often than not we understand they are Spanish…

So will you please try and get everyone who is the least bit sympathetic to send even a few cigarettes or some tobacco as regularly as possible. Whatever you send will be shared around among the comrades in the Group. Try to get people to send the cigarettes themselves – I will acknowledge them and we are anxious to do as much propaganda in this way as possible – but if they won’t will you please do it for us? Where there is any choice it is better to send cigarette tobacco (and cigarette papers) – it lasts much longer.

I also badly need writing paper and envelopes and Ever Ready razor blades. Paper here is scarce and very expensive. Could you send one of those Woolworth ‘Canadian’ pads, octavo size, say once a fortnight? I think it would get through.

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg5

Silvia 16.Nov.37 pg6

Finally and almost above cigarettes, we need news of home. We are terribly isolated here from activity in the rest of the world and we feel it keenly. Tell us what is happening in the party, in the LBC, in Parliament, in Cardiff, London – anywhere. Let me know as much as possible about all the comrades at home, what they are doing and when, where, why. Send me newspaper cuttings and reports of meetings that are held. Do you think you could send me the New Statesman, Labour Monthly and Left Review on the day of publication? We see newspapers in the library here, but most of them are ancient history… [Letter to his wife Silvia, 16 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

The stories of young men being whisked straight to the front to join the hard pressed Republican Army are, by and large, inaccurate. Most recruits on arriving in Spain were given an extended period of basic training. Gilbert was no exception and he was based at Tarazona for the best part of three months. During this time military training would have been in full swing with endless drills, guard duty and rifle practice for the young, enthusiastic recruits. Yet it must have been a strange experience for men who had little or no military experience and may well have sympathised with the pacifist cause.

Silvia 5.Dec.37 pg2

I find a great contradiction in my make up! There is a serious danger of my making a really first rate soldier. I am obedient. I respond easily to discipline. I can shoot as accurately as anyone else and I can pick up the mechanics of rifles, machine guns etc more quickly than most. Finally, my Spanish pronunciation is definitely not worse than anyone else’s. And yet I’m still too much of a pacifist to make a really effective soldier. I can become politically vicious about fascism, but I can’t get really vicious about shooting fascists. It is all very difficult [Letter to his wife Silvia, 5 Dec 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

However, as a political activist he found an outlet for his talents both in the production of the camp newspaper and also in opportunities to work as a political commissar.

As soon as we arrived in Spain I was elected Political Commissar, or Officer, by the comrades in the English Speaking Group. This includes English, American, Canadian comrades and I was officially re-appointed at the political meeting held last night. The vote was unanimous and there were no other nominations and I felt highly flattered. I think I get 3 pesetas a day extra pay – also a badge! But is not as important as it sounds; it’s just about the lowest form of political appointment in the army and the only one that is elected [Letter to his wife Silvia, 18 November 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

His pleas for a few luxuries certainly bore fruit and, on Christmas Eve 1937, he wrote to Silvia and other family members thanking them for presents forwarded to Spain.

Dear Mother, Silvia, Ruth, Ray, Ivy, Phyllis, Gladys, Mrs Shaxby, Aunt Connie, Mr Shaxby, Frank and Vera, Auntie Alice and Lilla – and anyone else I’ve forgotten to name.

Here I am in the draughty barracks sitting on my wooden bed and single blanket: – I’m wearing the best leather jacket in the Spanish Army, smoking a pipe of real English tobacco, wearing thick woollen gloves and brand new socks. I have just eaten a piece of Cadbury’s chocolate, smoked an English cigarette, blown my nose on a real handkerchief, shaved myself with a new blade and soothed my chin with Nivea cream! And spread out before me are dates and figs and Horlicks milk, more handkerchiefs, socks, razor blades, cocoa, chocolates, sweets, tobacco, writing paper, envelopes, Marmite and Halibut liver oil capsules…

How can I thank you all and tell you what it means to have these good things.

24.Dec.37 pg3

24.Dec.37 pg4

Please, please, understand comrades that these thoughts and tokens of your sympathy and support are as important to us here in the International Brigades as our training and guns and ammunition. Give us the certain knowledge that you are with us, that you remember us and wish us well and there’s nothing we will not do, and no sacrifice we will not make, to defeat Fascism in Spain and throughout the world [Letter to his wife Silvia and others, 24 December 1937; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

The reference to personal sacrifice proved prophetic. In a postcard to Silvia, from the International Brigade Hospital in Benicassim, dated 13 March 1938, Gilbert Taylor confessed to feeling …just a bit churned up inside to be quite frank! It was almost certainly his last letter. After completing his military training Gilbert had hoped to be selected for further training as a Political Commissar. However, with the Nationalist military offensive gaining momentum he was first sent to the front in February 1938. He was already ill on leaving the base camp and was eventually  evacuated to hospital in Benicassim before seeing action. He made a speedy recovery and was close to being discharged from hospital in March 1938 when the news came that, in response to the Nationalist breakthrough on the Aragon front on 7 March, the Republican army was drawing together all those judged fit for active service to mount a counteroffensive. There was clearly no time to write at length but he did manage to send a short note to Silvia.

Postcard 13.Mar.38 back

I’m just off in about 10 minutes, but I still don’t know where for certain. But I think it will be to the Brigade. Write to 161 GP anyway. Your tobacco of the 5th and letters and woodbines of the 6th arrived last night, just after I had posted my letters to you. Nice to hear from you just before I leave. There’ll be a gap for some days now I expect. The coltsfoot is lovely and arrived in perfect condition. I shall keep it with my few others transportable treasures, which include a shilling, a photo of Erith and Barbary and two French postage stamps!

I’m feeling just a bit churned up inside to be quite frank! Love, Gilbert [Postcard to his wife Silvia, 13 March 1938; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/1].

There were no further letters or news of Gilbert. It was thought that he might be wounded and in hospital or possibly that he was a prisoner of war. Silvia and her parents made numerous efforts to find him through letters to members of the International Brigade and the Spanish authorities. In response to their enquiries in June the Spanish authorities wrote to say that:

Certificate, 24 June 1938-2

Gilbert Taylor of the XV Brigade, disappeared between 10th and 17th March 1938 during sustained fighting against the enemy in the defence of the Republic in the Caspe- Belchite section [Certificate provided by the Ministry of National Defence, 24 June 1938; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/4].

Hope of finding Gilbert must have finally faded when five months after he had last been seen Peter Kerrigan, a political commissar with the International Brigade, wrote to Silvia’s father from Barcelona.

…I have been trying to investigate the position regarding Gilbert Taylor. There seems to have been some confusion as to what happened to him. He was marked with the Battalion April 1938. On the records this was crossed out and the words ‘hospital’ inserted with a query. I have investigated the position with the responsible people in the Battalion with the following result. He is not with the Battalion. He had not been with the Battalion since March. As he is not in the list of prisoners issued by Franco and not in any Hospital as far as we can trace, it seems pretty conclusive that he must have been killed.

In conclusion I must say that I’m sorry if this is not as definite as you may expect. My personal opinion, for what it is worth, is that Comrade Gilbert Taylor was killed in action in March during the retreat. It may interest you to know that in records I saw, he was ranked very highly for his qualities as an Anti-Fascist soldier [Peter Kerrigan to Dr J H Shaxby, 9 August 1938; The Gilbert Taylor Papers, D748/4].

In an attempt to open the way for a negotiated peace the Republican Government announced at the League of Nations on 21 September 1938 that the International Brigades were to be withdrawn. The Brigades were formally disbanded after a farewell parade in Barcelona in October 1938. Most, including the remaining 300 British soldiers, left Spain by December 1938. However, Franco’s forces continued the war, with the last Republican enclaves falling in the spring of 1939.

Gilbert Taylor was one of the 33 men from Wales who died while serving with the International Brigades in Spain. Memorials in Cardiff, Swansea, Aberdare, Pentre and Penygroes commemorate the Welsh volunteers who fought in the Spanish Civil War.

During his time in Spain he wrote at length to family, friends and colleagues.  The Gilbert Taylor papers are held at Glamorgan Archives.

Tony Peters, Glamorgan Archives Volunteer